Apalaanchi Project.
Coastal-Marine Resource management of Small Scale Fisheries: Apalaanchi
Fishery.
The Guajira region of Colombia incorporates potentially rich marine ecosystems that have been
little studied to date. The locality of Cabo de la Vela (or Candle Cape) in the Guajira makes up a
coastal area that has been exploited by the native indigenous, the Wayúu Indians, since
ancient times. During the past decades, however, this coastal area has also been subject to
heavy pressure by the industrial fishery.




Cabo de la Vela is located in the northwest of Colombia by the Caribbean Sea and has been
regarded as part of a marine ecosystem of great productivity. The human population consists of
the native Wayúu people and most Wayúu fishing villages are located in the
northwest coast of the Guajira region (See maps in Appendix 1). Traditionally, the artisanal
Wayúu fishery of this area has considered fish, lobsters, and sea turtles as the major
source of subsistence and economy (Guerra, 1990). Very small efforts from the legal
administrative units have been made so as to evaluate any impacts resulting from the artisanal
fishing practices upon the marine environment.

Industrial fishing is another unregulated body in that area and has expanded in the past years.
Most of this commercial fishing dedicates to the exploitation of lobster, prawn and tuna. The
national and foreign fleet has multiplied, and fishing effort and catches have proportionally
increased. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations - FAO -
(2000), about ninety percent of the tuna and lobster catches in the Colombian Caribbean come
from the industrial fishery.
It has been known that intensive pressure along with uncoordinated and unregulated fishing leads to the eventual collapse of any
fisheries. At the moment there are no very prominent signs of explicit conflict over resource allocation between the artisanal and the
industrial fisheries, however, some friction exists between the two parties, which could undergo harsher responses.
The growing fishing pressure and marine resource usage in Cabo de la Vela may be producing deleterious effects that might be
unfavourable to both its human inhabitants and the context. Some speculations suggest that fish stocks, mainly food-species like
Lutjanids (Lutjanus analis), Escombrids (Scomberomorus caballa), Carangids (Caranx hippox and C. rubber), Centropomids as
well as Chelonians (sea turtles) and crustaceans (lobsters: Panulirus argus), have become severely depleted in several areas
including Cabo de la Vela.
As a result, the local community, the natural ecosystem, and the overall Guajira region, continues to degrade. Short- and mid-term
possible scenarios might be depicted in the following four points: 1) Disruption of the natural supporting habitat processes and
disturbance of the immediate marine ecosystem; 2) Failure of primary food resources (and main protein source); 3) Further
dislocation of the local economy; 4) Contribution to higher social unrest.
Generally, most countries tend to believe that the more fish catches and landings there are the better the economy will be. In this
regard, the Colombian government has set policies that implicitly give priority to the industrial fishery, leaving aside the needs of
small-scale fisheries. Nonetheless, many of these ongoing commercial practices have been performed inappropriately usually with
harmful and destructive operations and artifacts (e.g. intensive effort, trawling, non-selective gear, etc), and repeatedly circumventing
the 12nm “boundary” law for inshore fisheries (personal communication).
Not surprisingly, the legislation for Colombia’s use of natural resources becomes a tricky task. The “Ordenamiento Territorial” Act
(Territorial Ordering Act), which was created in 1991 when the national constitution was modified, provides the basis for the
conservation and sustainable management of coastal and marine resources (Estrada et al., 2000). Accordingly, every municipal
government must propose a “Plan de Ordenamiento Pesquero” (Fishery Ordering Plan) for 9 years and it has to follow the procedures
expressed within the framework of the Territorial Ordering Act.
Local and regional governments have had tremendous difficulties when complying with the Fishery Ordering Plan. Besides,
compliance with this Plan does not guarantee that most resource users would be heard or that it would be achieved in a democratic
fashion. These difficulties arise because governmental and institutional capacity at this level appears very limited (personal
observation). Some examples are the lack of sufficient information, inadequate research, premature technologies and facilities, poorly
trained personnel, incompetent official staff, lack of funding, reduced incentives from central government and institutions, control
isolation, power and funding misuse, local paternalism, and negligence.
Consequently, the Fishery Ordering Plan - as for Cabo de la Vela - mirrors the needs and purposes of medium and bigger industrial
fishers therefore favouring this sub-sector. It is much easier for regional and local governments to evaluate and negotiate with the
industrial fishery than the larger and more dispersed artisanal or small-scale fishery. Under these circumstances the development
and sustainable management of the local coastal and marine resources, as proposed by the Territorial Ordering Act, will most likely
be unachievable.
It is critically important to obtain sound information at the biological-ecological, economic, and sociopolitical levels. This research
study is aimed to acquire a thorough understanding of the underlying local processes in order to produce a local coastal
management plan. The study also seeks to implement an alternative technology based on the deployment of artificial reefs. The
latter objective examines how the application of these types of incentives serves as a conduit to strengthen community management
efforts and the functioning of the marine environment for the protection and enhancement of conservation and sustainable use of
coastal-marine resources.
The direct beneficiaries of the research project are the Wayúu indigenous community of Cabo de la Vela. This locality has
just over 600 people (personal communication), however, there are flows in and out depending on certain cultural and social
factors. The Wayúu culture is characterized by a matriarchal condition where women are in charge, by tradition, of dealing
with political and social decision-making (after consulting with elders and other community members). Although all people
participate, including children, women, and elders, it is expected to have sufficient participation and commitment from the fishermen
group, which makes up a major component within the project. Nonetheless, the benefits will have a broader reach as the project
intends to systematize the information and bring it or make it available to local educational institutions, civil organizations, and other
governmental bodies.
Analysis
Identification of Common Pool Resources and Property Rights
The complexities of the ocean’s physical features and functionality have prompted users to engage in exploitative, and often,
destructive activities. It has been proposed that marine “assets” be classified as pool resources of common access. The term is
usually used to describe resources that are owned by the government, by a community of resource users or by no one (Schlager,
1990). Classical political economics generally believe that common property resources or common pool resources tend to degrade,
a situation more correctly classed as an open access fishery.
Nevertheless, Gardner et al. (1990) mentioned that there are different types of resource users and property rights involved in a common
resource system. In the fishery arena, these rights can be access and withdrawal rights, management rights, exclusion rights, and
alienation rights (Schlager, 1990). In turn, these rights are exercised within a rule regime that prescribes the restrictions and the
permits under which actions can operate. These rights might be of legal-governmental nature (de jure) or they might be
traditional-cultural arrangements made by local communities, or specific groups (de facto rights). Similarly, the common pool resource
system is composed of users ranging from authorized users, to claimant, to proprietor, and to owner.
Rules definition is an important aspect of efficiently organizing harvesting activities and utilizing the resources. Defining rules tend to
happen as fishers posses a more complete set of rights over their fishing grounds. That is, fisher groups can have greater authority to
capture more benefits with a full set of rights and rules that order their harvesting activities (Ostrom, 1990).
In Cabo de la Vela, marine and coastal resources are utilized by the artisanal fishery, two medium size private fishing companies, and
the offshore industrial fishery. The artisanal fishery serves two main purposes: firstly, it concentrates its activities to obtain resources
destined to local sustenance; second, the surplus of the production becomes an alternative source of economic gain. The other
medium and larger industrial fisheries dedicate solely to the large-scale resource exploitation in pursue of profit maximization.
Fisher Groups in Cabo de la Vela:
• Artisanal fishery: 120 local artisanal fishermen organized into smaller subgroups according to internal, cultural, and lineal
arrangements.
• Two medium size commercial factories: Mares de Colombia, and Mar Adentro are two private companies that settled on shore right
next to local villagers.
• The industrial fishery: There are a number of private vessels which fish off the coast of Cabo de la Vela, among these the largest
Colombian Caribbean fleet, Vikingos S.A., and other American, Korean, Spanish, and Venezuelan companies.
Property Rights and Resource User Arrangements for Cabo de la Vela.
Access & Withdrawal Management Exclusion Alienation Subgroups
Yes Yes Yes Yes Artisanal Fishery
Yes Yes Yes Yes Mares de Colombia, Mar Adentro
Yes Yes Vikingos S.A., Foreign Fleet
(Adapted from Schlager, 1990)
A preliminary study conducted by a NGO - Conservacion Terrazul Foundation - between late 2000 and early 2002, provided some
insights on how property rights and resource users worked in Cabo de la Vela. A series of formats and questionnaires were developed
and applied to obtain information varying from individual fishers, to fishing arts employed, main modes of transport, and choice fishing
spots. Unfortunately, the survey has only been applied to the artisanal fishery sector, but it is expected the study can be maximized to
engulf the whole segment of resource users of the area in question.
The Wayúu artisanal fisher group is composed of 120 fishermen from which about 20 perform the activity irregularly (personal
communication). It was observed that the artisanal fishery tends to break into four fisher divisions along the coast, with each of those
divisions having a “leader”. Although it is still not clear how the groupings occur, it has been suggested that fishermen organize
according to their family lineage and nucleus. Nevertheless, today it appears that many informal collective associations have become
“opportunistic” depending on how individuals can better contribute to greater catches while reducing marginal costs. Also, some well-
accommodated fishermen can get to pay for a crew to undertake fishing sessions. These assertions will require of further observation
indeed.
Within the four main divisions, there are numerous fisher subgroups varying from individuals, who fish alone, to up to 6 people working
together in occasions. Most fishing activities take place in nearby areas because of the limitations imposed by the underpowered
motorboats most fishermen have. In very few stances some fishermen, less than 8 percent of the total fishermen population, fish off the
coast as far out the 12nm limit.
In contrast to the study conducted by Schlager and Ostrom (1990), property rights in Cabo de la Vela seem to operate in a very different
manner. For instance, the Wayúu artisanal fishery applies less specific sets of rules for withdrawal, management, exclusion,
and alienation rights. According to Davis (1975) the gear that a fisher uses may determine where the fisher can locate it. It has been
found that Wayúu fishermen use different types of arts in scattered areas, which do not correlate to gear restrictions at particular
sites. Similarly, devising of size rules, seasonal restrictions, and time slots rules have yet not been observed in the area in question.
However, the Wayúu culture has a traditional form of solving problems and/or conflicts through the compensation of the
damages caused by an individual or group. Many anthropological studies have investigated Wayúu social events regarding the
types of liabilities to which people have rights in a conflicting situation. For instance, when an accident occurs leaving casualties as a
result, the relatives of the victim (s) will be compensated, either in money or material ways, what they believe to have lost, both
quantitative and qualitatively. If the perpetrator, or the responsible party, fails to “pay off” the debt, it is likely that revenge would take place
by violent means if no other alternatives were available. It has been said, by word of mouth, that no so long ago a Korean fisher ship ran
over a group of Wayúu fishermen of Cabo de la Vela killing some of them. Apparently, the Korean ship captain or person in
charge was reluctant to pay off the debt that had been charged by the Wayúu relatives of the dead fishermen. Consequently,
some time later, Wayúu people murdered a Korean fisherman when he came ashore. None of these cases, however, appeared
to have been brought to the national authorities of Colombia neither to central nor regional ones.
Perhaps, there is an implicit natural “contract”, such as this traditional liability-type arrangement, that may be less specific with regards to
marine resource use, which might provide an organized form of community-based management nonetheless.
Most of the rights and rules presented above, as examples for local community-based management, can prevent assignment related
externalities (withdrawal of resources) and technological externalities (e.g. time slots, gear placement, etc.). Authority and definition of
rules play an important role in the solution of common pool resource dilemmas. In this sense, with poor rule definition, even given a
complete set of rights, fishers can inefficiently use the resource, and probably destroy it.
One may argue, out of the many possible reasons, that the lack of coastal-marine organization, and specification of rule prescriptions in
the fishery community of Cabo de la Vela, may have set the back stage that led to the actual state of resource demise. Nevertheless, this
premature conclusion requires of further study and therefore should be carefully interpreted.
Co-management as a viable mechanism toward sustainable development
It has been observed that although food scarcity is an increasing phenomenon, there may be ways to improving the resource shortage
in the short-term. Problems related to the demise of fish and lobster stocks can be tackled with a “hands on/cooperative” approach – co-
management.
Frequently, it is believed that common property resources – the commons – are likely to degrade, a situation more correctly classed as
an open access fishery. This has led to less effective policy recommendations on the part of governments. Indeed, many government
arrangements fail to conceive of or recognize the existence of local community based fisheries management.
Fisheries management typically tends to focus on specific models of calculating Maximum Sustainable Yield (MSY). This model
provides limited applicability in multispecies tropical fisheries, and also provides little or no effective consultation with or participation
from local fisher communities (TemaNord, 1997). Precisely, the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development
(UNCED) – Agenda 21 in Rio (1992) – stressed the need for greater formal involvement of users in the management of resources.
Resource conflicts may be diminished, and resource better managed when fisher and other user groups are more involved in the
management of the resources (Pomeroy, 1994). In addition, community participation along with organizational support can be a
powerful mechanism to help construct avenues for development.
Co-management is defined as the sharing of responsibilities and authority between the government and local resource
users/community to manage the fishery or resource (Pomeroy, 1994). This approach to fisheries management requires a shift away
from a centralized, top-down form of administration to a new strategy in which fisheries managers and fisher communities run the
coastal-marine resources.
Experiences and challenges for co-management
Initiatives of co-management have been widely proposed since 1960s. In Canada and the United States a number of legal and/or
informal arrangements between groups or communities of fishermen have been made (Pinkerton, 1989). Accordingly,
co-management agreements have the potential to promote conservation and enhancement of fish stocks, to improve the quality of
data and data analysis, to make allocation of fishing opportunities more equitable, to promote community economic development, and
to reduce conflict between government and fisher communities, or between fisher groups.
Kurien (1995) mentioned that efforts to protect and conserve the marine resources in the coast of the State of Kerala in the South of
India have shown to give better results with the involvement and participation of the local community. Management strategies and
policies established by the central government between mid 1960s and early 1980s caused the destruction of many marine habitats
and the demise of fish resources. After that bitter experience, the Indian government decided to consider plans that had been since
way back in 1960s proposed by the local fisher community, aided by a non-governmental organization (PCO – Program for Community
Organization).
When people are confronted with a “Hardinian Tragedy” of a ruined commons, they will not join hands for collective action unless
coerced to do so (Ostrom, 1990). By examining Kurien’s work it is unlikely that people will maintain the status quo structures. Local
communities can evolve new learning, new institutions and trust among themselves which promote not only better clean practices but
may prove economically viable.
In Cabo de la Vela, Conservacion Terrazul Foundation has been working in concert with the local community. Collective action,
participation, and knowledge of the fisher groups, community leaders, women, and the foundation support, have been the key to devise
plans to crack the current problems that affect the most basic conditions needed for living. Among these plans, it is expected to create
a local management program in order to make coastal-marine resource use sustainable. Also, there are some technological
initiatives to be implemented in the locality seeking to restore and protect the resource, and enhance productivity.
The development of co-management, however, neither occurs automatically nor in a simple manner. Additionally, the establishment of
co-management can be costly, it may require long-term effort, and have limited guarantee of success (Pomeroy, 1993). There are a
number of conditions that are believed to provide better chances for co-management achievement. According to Ostrom (1992) and
Pinkerton (1989) these key conditions can be: a) clearly defined boundaries of the area to be managed; b) the fisher group should
reside near the area and be clearly identified; c) high degree of homogeneity; d) custom fisheries may have prior experience with
traditional community-based systems; e) the believe that participation and compliance with community-based systems would bring
greater benefits per costs; f) involvement of all the actors; g) management rules are simple and can be enforced; h) decentralization of
authority; i) and coordination between government and community.
Certainly, some aspects related to those conditions presented above are evident in Cabo de la Vela. The area in question is clearly
defined and legitimized by the National Constitution and has been declared protected indigenous territory under the 388 Act. With
regards to the fisher group, there is a clearly identified artisanal group settled in Cabo de la Vela, which also shows a high degree of
homogeneity due to their Wayúu indigenous background. Further more, the current work being conducted by the not-for profit
organization, Conservacion Terrazul, has made good efforts to include all of the local actors in the process of participation of the
‘conservation and resource management project’. However, this is an ongoing activity whereby it is hoped that most of the local
residents come together to understand that the benefits of such actions may exceed the costs than if not participating on the initiative.
On the other hand, it is envisaged that some of the greatest difficulties in the set up of a co-management system may rest primarily on
the impermeability of the actors and the social structures to assume the challenges required for a new management approach. That is
to say, the local Wayúu indigenous community may perceive that such task could threaten or conflict with their cultural views
and therefore insufficient motivation and commitment would follow thereafter. Another complication may be the government resilience
to embark upon an effort that implies sharing of authority, the shift from a decentralized top-down form of administration to a bottom-up
community approach.
Integrated Coastal Management: Understanding local processes at the sea-land interface
Commonly, coastline zones are subject to a variety of human activities and natural processes both of importance to society and the
global marine ecosystem. Most traditional management systems of dealing with those processes lack of the necessary elements and
tools in order to harmonize human and environmental needs. This dynamic and interlinked processes call for an integrated
management approach more capable of evaluating and solving coastal related problems in a responsible and sustainable fashion.
Prior to the UNCED meeting in 1992, the Intergovernmental Panel of Climate Change (IPCC) through its Coastal Zone Management
Subgroup (CZM) addressed the issue corresponding to coastal and marine ecosystem functioning (Cicin-Sain, 1998). The outcome of
the CZM work was an Integrated Coastal Management system to make sea-land interface resource use sustainable. Accordingly, such
approach would seek to address several important functions related to overall patterns of use, the well being of coastal and marine
areas, and the protection of key fishery and other habitats.
In this regard, there is the need for small-scale fisheries and local communities to devise resource management and conservation
plans that are in line with the needs of an Integrated Management system. To achieve this, there must exist an extensive amount of
research and data on the social, ecological, cultural, and economic aspects characteristic to the specific community. Having said this, it
is very unlikely that such communities, like the community of Cabo de la Vela, will be able to undertake such an endeavour by
themselves, unless some type of substantial assistance is obtained from other governmental and/or non-governmental entities.
As mentioned earlier, the Wayúu artisanal fishery requires support, encouragement and motivation to redirect use and
management efforts down the right path. Adequate knowledge of the area and partnership between the local community and other
institutions are necessary to solve common pool resource dilemmas. However, governmental absence in the area and inadequate
policies has prompted local users to react skeptically to any government measure and/or initiative. Prior to Conservacion Terrazul,
however, there were none attempts by the government (local, regional, or central) to correct the ongoing pressures caused by the decline
of marine resources of human consumption. Works that have been started by the government, but never finished, include the
construction of power posts and power lines in the locality, which up to now still remains powerless. Curiously, a few of the local
residents have overcome the power issue through assistance from other individuals and access to alternative technologies such as
solar systems.
Non-governmental assistance in this region seemed to have had overall acceptance and gained attention from the local participants.
Indeed, while local, regional and/or national government/institutions fail to conduct research and provide support to small-scale fisheries,
non-governmental aid may have the best-allied and suitable actions to carry out a resource management initiative. UNCED (1992)
stresses the importance of NGO support and participation, especially in developing countries. It is also mentioned that NGOs can often
facilitate the adoption of initiatives such as Integrated Coastal Management Systems.
Technological Incentives
The nature of the problems presented in Cabo de la Vela call for rapid answers that can yield good results in the short- and mid-term.
Besides gaining information at the social, economic, and ecological level to support a local resource management plan, it is vital that the
community feels motivated toward a good-for-all purpose. The establishment of a set of rules, for instance, which allow the reorganization
of the exploitative system in a more responsible manner can be hard and may cause unpleasant emotions and responses from local
resource users. The adoption of technological incentives may be suitable tools for encouraging local community efforts and participation.
Additionally, technological incentives can play a major role in the overall development of the marine resource management system as
well as they may contribute to enhancing conservation of depleted marine fauna in the short run.
The application of artificial reef technologies has gained importance and preferability, and has equally improved considerably during the
past decade. Many studies all over the world suggest that the use of artificial structures can be used as means of refugees for marine
fauna and flora. In the state of Kerala in India, the local fisher community and the NGO Programme for Community Organization (PCO),
introduced artificial structures in nearby fishing areas with great success (Kurien, 1995). Most of the time local fishermen see that
“opportunistic” structures can be submerged to create appropriate habitats for fish and other marine organisms. However, newer
technologies have arisen, the latest being artificial reefs that resemble natural reefs in texture, chemical composition, and shape (Reef
Ball Foundation, 2000 (also visit www.reefball.org)).
The NGO Conservacion Terrazul and the local community of Cabo de la Vela have recently made a partnership with the USA-based
organization, Reef Ball Foundation, that is a leading developer of artificial reef structure design – Reef Balls. The reef balls are made of
concrete and are designed to mimic natural reef systems (Barber, 2000). A fibreglass mold is made of the balls and then concrete is
poured into the mold. The balls have holes in them so that the energy from waves does not cause damage or movement. Once made and
aged, the balls are floated with internal bladders, to the reef site and then lowered to the sea floor by deflating the bladders. The balls are
then guided into place and the bladders removed (www.reefball.org).
It is expected that the application of the reef ball units will help the conservation of marine wildlife while enhancing productivity within. In this
sense, two types of reefs will be applied in Cabo de la Vela for both objectives conservation and production. Studies conducted on reef balls
in many parts of the world have mentioned that rapid colonization of benthic and pelagic organisms occur. In Long Bay Marine Reserve,
New Zealand, the results shown at two different artificial reef sites (Zigzag and Octagon reefs) reveal that these reef balls enhance
colonization of larvae, algae, invertebrates, and fish (Buckeridge, 2001) within a few weeks; schools of fish of snapper, trevalli, blue
maomao, and sweep (>50) have been observed around the reefs while feeding on invertebrates in and amongst the reef balls.
Conservation and biodiversity
Much of the world’s biological diversity originates in developing countries. Biological resources can make a long-term economic contribution
to national growth and welfare through dividends in the form of medicine and food crops (USAID, 1995). However, biological diversity,
necessary to maintain essential ecological processes, is under threat. The loss of living species and composition variability within species,
between species, and ecosystems was one of the main issues stemming out from the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity in
Rio de Janeiro in 1992 (WRI, 1994). For instance, urban settlement, mining, and overfishing have destroyed coastal marine habitats and
with them many unknown species.
Agenda 21 emphasizes the need to build capacities for the assessment, evaluation, and monitoring of biodiversity while ensuring full
participation of local communities. It also calls for preparation of studies, strategies, and action plans - prerequisites for policy formulation -
with particular reference to costs, benefits, and socio-economic issues relevant to biodiversity conservation and sustainable use of
biological resources (UNEP, 1995). The protection of marine living resources is one of three components constituting United Nations
Environment Programme. Four main priority regions have been identified concerning Specially Protected Areas and Wildlife (SPAW) of the
Regional Seas Protocol: The Mediterranean, South-East Pacific, East Africa, and the Caribbean (UNEP, 1995).
Raising awareness and dissemination of information is one of the key features of the management initiative to which the community of
Cabo de la Vela is presently involved in. According to UNEP’s mandate these are key tools in catalyzing action for biodiversity conservation.
Similarly, developing and promoting concrete examples of sustainable use of biodiversity through pilot projects involving the participation of
local communities and NGOs are priority actions to achieve such mandate.
Conclusion
This write up has presented an overview of the actual conditions of marine and coastal resource management in Cabo de la Vela. Issues
regarding property rights, resource use, and rules were reviewed so as to draw a line characterizing the main features of the area in
subject. In addition, a discussion on alternative management systems from the literature, like co-management and Integrated Coastal
Management, were developed and expressed in the context of the Wayúu artisanal community and the regional scales. Similarly,
this paper presented an assessment of the application of technological alternatives and conservation of biodiversity as stemming topics
appropriate to the management efforts undertaken by the Wayúu local community and the NGO – Conservacion Terrazul.
To conclude, more observation and information need be retrieved and analyzed to verify the current state of the locality, and to pinpoint flanks
for immediate action in order to attain sound coastal-marine resource management plans and agreements. Nevertheless, there is the
believe that the application of alternative management systems – co-management and/or Integrated Coastal Management – may be an
answer to common pool resource depletion and misuse, so long as key factors, namely definition of processes, actor participation and
involvement, motivation, knowledge, and commitment, all interact and evolve to make such systems viable.
Diego Moreno.